, , nATS ET SOC1ETES DE L'OR1ENT ARABE

,.. EN QUETE D'AVEN1R

1945-2005

DYNAMIQUE ET ENJEUX

II

ACTES DE LA SEMAlNE INTERNATIONALE D'ETUDES SUR LE MOYEN-ORIENT ARABE

MMSH, AD< EN PROVENCE, JUIN 2005

SOUS LA DIREcnON DE

, , GERARD D. KHOURY & NADINE MEOUCHY

AVEC HENRY lAURENS IT PETER SLUGLETI

GEUTHNER

ETATS ET SOCIETES DE L'ORIENT ARABE (1945-2005)

to preserve their homes. The level of subsidy was calculated on the basis of covering the extra cost involved in restoring a house to historically acceptabl standards as compared to basic maintenance had the house not been histori~ cally designated (Von Rabenau 200 I).

In other words, the national institutions accepted a premium position th im~osing a histori~ ~esignati.on on a site is indirectly imposi~g .a tax on i: reSidents. The subSidies proVided are therefore to help offset thiS mdirect tal. At a first phase the concerned national institutions accepted to advance direct national funds for the purpose, but over the long run a special tourism fee ia to be imposed to help sustain the operation into the future.

By WAY OF CONCLUSION: THE EVOLUTION OF THE COMMON DENOMINATOR

In both the cases of Aleppo and Shibam, a certain language immerges as a result of intense public intervention in the site. The residents at first skepticai of the newly developed government interest in their city, quickly learn that they can plead their cases and negotiate certain advantages if they master the official discourse used by the technical staff of the official institutions. Ia Shibam special attention was made to insure that the language used by tho technical staffwas as close as possible to the common use of the residents. Yet in both cases the system of providing funds involves using standard measure­ments, quantity surveys, and pricing that are alien to the local traditions.

At first this language seems to be at odd not with the traditional system per se, but with the modem market oriented system used in non-historically designated areas. However, soon, residents understand that benefiting from public spending require mastering a new language. Contractors will be most resistant to the new approach, because this would mean providing non­standard services. However, soon a few contractors will immerge who will have understood and mastered the new system. Residents will teach each other how to accommodate to the new system and its requirements.

A common language will be negotiated. The official system will not be

Knowledge, Heritage, Representation: The Commercialization of

the Courtyard House in Aleppo Heghnar WATENPAUGH

In the contemporary Middle East, heritage is a battleground. The concept of heritage (turath) has come to name a cluster of issues and values that galva­

nizes strong positions and is invoked in such decisive actions as the reshap­ing of cities, the dislocation of populations, and large investments of capital. Debates on architectural preservation are of particular interest in an arena where rigorous research on modem art and architecture and the management of culture is just beginning. Recent studies on the built heritage of Egypt, for example, have shown that what we consider today the "natural" fabric of Islamic cities was the product of complex processes of "patrimonialisation" in the late nineteenth century (I). International development organizations deem heritage, especially the built environment, a key asset for revitalizing economically disadvantaged communities, especially in view of its potential for tourism and foreign currency - a potential eagerly anticipated by local governments (2). However, much of this discourse lacks theoretical rigor, a historical grounding in the region, or an understanding of heritage and preser­vation as modem cultural interventions with a long history in the West and the developing world. Part of a work in progress, a study of the construction ofaccepted at face value. The technicians will have to change their discourse

and accommodate partially to the market requirements. At the end, a common language will be forged. This language is a mix of official terms; local dialect, market availability etc. The closer this language is to thi common understanding of local users, the more likely they are to use it. In: all cases, it is the direct negotiation over economic value that will work as , catalyst for the immergence of a new social consensus.

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1. Nezar AISayyad, Irene A. Biennan, and Nasser Rabbat, eds., Making Cairo Medieval; Lexington Books, Lanham, MD, 2005; Donald Malcolm Reid, Whose Pharaohs? Archaeology, Museums, and Egyptian National Identity from Napoleon to World War I University of California Press, Berkeley, 2002. See also the essay by Mercedes Volait in the present volume.

2. Amartya Sen, "The Ends and the Means of Development," in Sen, Development as Freedom, Anchor Books, New-York, 1999, p. 35-53; Arturo Escobar, "Economics and the Space of Development," in Escobar, Encountering Development; The Making and Unmaking of the Third World, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1995, p. 55-10 1.

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ETATS ET SOCIETES DE L'ORJENT ARABE (1945-2005)

Heritage in the contemporary Middle East through the prism of SYri twentieth century, this essay highlights the link between the construa knowledge and the reconstruction of architectural remains, as seen in C

of the courtyard house in Aleppo. The project of which this essay is contributes a critique of the practices of preservation in contemporary S society and a study of its intellectual and institutional genealogies.

Architectural preservation has been the subject of a great deal of debate since its institutionalization in nineteenth-century Europe 01

manner in which a society views its past is reflected in the way in w! " treats its ancient historical fabric (4). Recently architectural historians come to acknowledge that their task should not be limited to the invi tion of the conception, construction, and original use of structures rather it must also investigate the entire life of a building, attending ~ manner in which works of architecture are used, interpreted, and otb remembered. Successive episodes in the life of a building, its transfi tions, remodeling, erasures, additions each constitute discrete acts of textualization that hold meaning in and of themselves. Preservation ... thoroughly modern practice of conserving buildings from the past for uses in the present, is one critical instance of intervention on existing s' tures. While preservation often purports to be a "purification," a "r, an original state, it is, in effect, a novel intervention that holds mean:" the present. Preservation is also a professional practice with a given methods, expertise, and institutional support. Once established in the the modular concept and the profession of conservation was implemen a standardized form, throughout the world, Increasingly over the tw< century, international organizations evolved to monitor and list C

properties, and reward and penalize preservation activities (5),

One of the preconditions of a professionalized preservation practice i systematic creation of specialized knowledge about an architectural tradi" its history and development, its construction materials and d techniques. A photograph illustrates this point (photo 1). Taken in 1922, France held a mandate over Syria, it shows the first students of the Ecole Arts Decoratifs Arabes, based in Damascus, which later became the Insl Francais d'Etudes Arabes, currently known as the Institut fran~ais du ProcIIII' Orient. The students, drawn from the educated members of the bourgeoisi,

3. Alois Riegl, "Der modeme Denkmalkulrus, sein Wesen, seine Entstehung," (Vienna. I translated into English as "The Modern Cult of Monuments: Its Character and its Origin," ( Forster and D. Ghirardo), Oppositions 25, Fall 1982, p. 21-50; Nicholas Stanley Price et ai, Historical and Philosophical Issues in the Conservation of Cultural Heritage, Getty Con~l~ Institute, Los Angeles, 1996; Dominique Poulot, Musee. nation, patrimoine, 1789-1815, Gall Paris, 1997; Fran~oise Choay, L 'allegorie du patrimoine, Editions du Seuil, Paris, 1992.

4. David Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Counlly, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, I 5. Jukka Jokilehto, A HistOlY ofArchitectural Conservation, Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford, I

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surround Eustache de Lorey, the first director of this institution, ~sc~~31 uncovered the mosaics of the Great Mosque of Damascus and whO to turn this ancient shrine into a great monument of Islamic art. (6) De helped d others better known, like Jean Sauvaget, and their Syrian colleagues LoreYdanreate a modern architectural history for the new nation-state of Syria. belpe C

Photo 1. Eustache de Lorey, the first director of the Ecole des Arts Decoratijs Arabes ill Damascus. and his students, /922. From: R. Avez, L'!nstirut fran~ais de Damas au Palais Azem (1922-1946) a travers les archives (Damascus: 1nstitul jranqais de Damas, 1993).

As in other forn1er provinces of the Ottoman empire, the built environment was the subject of intense concern in Syria before the arrival of Western colonialism. Aleppo boasts the exceptional example of the Jam'iyyat al­'Adiyyat (the Archaeological Society), founded around 1924 by a circle of local intellectuals with a strong interest in archaeology. One of the earliest civil society organizations in Aleppo, the Archaeological Society organized lectures, field trips, and published a bilingual journal, La revue archeologique syrienne/Majallat al- 'Adiyyat al-Suriyya. In its pages, Aleppine and Western historians penned professional, "scientific" studies of the built environment of their city and hinterland, sowing the seeds of the ongoing debates on the built environment that pervade Aleppine society (7).

6. Eustache de Lorey, "Les Mosa'iques de la Mosquee des Omeyyades II Damas," Syria 12:4, 1931, p. 326-349; Renaud Avez, L'lnslitul jranqais de Damas au Palais Azem (/922-/946) a /ravel's les archives, Instirut fran~ais de Damas, Damascus, 1993; Fran~ois-Xavier Tregan, -Approche des savoirs de l'!nstirut Francais de Damas: a la recherche d'un temps mandataire," in TIre British and Fren.ch Mandates in Comparative Perspective, ed. Nadine Meouchy and Peter Sluglcu , E. 1. Brill, Leiden, 2004, p. 235-247.

7. pam'iyyat al-' Adiyyat), Thamanun 'aman 'ala ta 'sis Jam 'iyyat al- 'Adiyyat: Siyar wa suwal; Jam'lyyat al-'Adiyyal, Aleppo, 2004.

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ETATS ET SOCIETES DE L'ORJENT ARABE (1945-2005)

Aleppo is a particularly interesting domain for the study of prl The city's rich historical fabric has always been a subject of local inl debate, and has attracted the attention of urban historians (8). The sto' conservatio~ of the old city of AI~ppo since the 19~Os is wel1 kno~ transformatiOn of the urban fabnc was accompamed by vigorous involving international and local experts, planners, architects, histon: local leaders. After Syria gained its independence from France in 194( master plans were drawn up to regulate the expansion of its major ci:

From the 1950's to the 1970s, a succession of urban planners eD;l' piercing the old city with large thoroughfares, preserving and ' selected monuments such as the citadel. These recommendations were ' mented piecemeal over the years, resulting in significant loss of the fabric in the historic core, particularly in the neighborhood of Bah a1 which was demolished in 1967 and was not rebuilt until a few years .' the erection of a new Sheraton hotel and upscale shopping center(lO).

In the early 1980's, an al1iance between local architects and Western and urbanists succeeded in listing Aleppo as a UNESCO World "' Site(II). The destruction of the old city was halted. Since then, ani proposals have been made to rehabilitate and to address the severe . tural problems of the old city. In the mid 1990s, the German Tcci Cooperation Corporation, known after its German acronym as the GTZ, ated among other efforts a program whereby it offers microloans and tectural expertise to the inhabitants in order to help them repair the • , structures in which they live and work (12).

Aleppo's municipality and the directorate of Religious EndO' (Awqaf) have their own restoration campaign focusing on religious s under their jurisdiction. Since 1999 as wel1, the Historic Cities S

8. Among the most important early 20th-century studies of Aleppo are, Jean Sauvaget, Essai sur Ie developpement d'une grande ville syrienne, des origines au milieu du XJXl vols., Geuthner, Paris, 1941, and Kamil al-Ghazzi, Kitab nahr al-dhahab fi tarikh III Shawqi Sha'th and Mahmud Fakhuri, 3 vols., 2nd ed., Dar al-Qalam al-' Arabi, Aleppo, 1991 [Orig. ed. Aleppo, 1923-26].

9. See among others, Stefano Bianca, Urban Foroz in the Arab World, Past and Present, and Hudson, London, 2000, Chpt. 13; Adli Qudsi, "Aleppo: A struggle for Conservation," 12,1984.

10. Jean-Claude David. "Politique et urbanisme aAlep, Ie projet de Bab al-Faradj."ln £1 et mouvements sociaux au Maghreb et au Moyen-Orient, L'Harmattan, Paris, 1989, p. 317­

II. Stefano A. Bianca, Jean-Claude David, Giovanni Rizzardi, Yves Breton and Bruno Yvart, The Conservation of the Old City ofAleppo: A Report Prepared for the Government Syrian Arab Republic by the United Nations Educational, SCientific and Cultural Organ' p.: UNESCO, 1980.

12. Mona Khechen, Spatial patterns in transformation : a rehabilitation framework Aleppo, Doctor of Design thesis, Harvard University, 2004.

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of the Aga Khan Trust for Culture has been restoring the Citadel of program as part of a campaign of restoration of historic castles throughout ~epPoThe city of Aleppo, headed by its young mayor Ma'an Shibli was sY"~ d the Veronica Rudge Green Prize in Urban Design for these efforts at : Gr~duate School of Design, Harvard University, in 2005 (13).

h se programs and awards have had an immense trickle-down effect, T i~g Aleppo a .magnet. for developme~t and conservation organization~, ~e bodies withm th~ city as well as pnv~te entrepreneurs. un?ertake their ~ preservation proJects. The conservatiOn of the old city IS a popular

'c endlessly discussed in Aleppo, where restoration (tarmim) and :~ge (tUl-ath) are something of an obsession.

More specifically, the con.temp~rary i~teres~ in the Aleppine courtyard bouse highlights the manner 10 which hentage IS understood and consumed. Since the early 1990s, Syrian popular culture has witnessed a renewed interest in the visible past, and the commercialization and commodification of historic (onn in a variety of cultural productions. Under the rubric of what has being called "al- 'Awda ita al-Tarikh" ("The Return to History,"), immensely popular cult:tral.forms .such as television serials about Syria's mode.rn h~story, filmed in hlstonc settlOgs, are eagerly consumed (14). Novels set 10 hlstonc periods and memoirs recounting life in the Old Courtyard house are widely read and commented upon, as for example in the well-known novel fa mal al­Sham by Siham Turjuman (15l.

The audience for this phenomenon is Syrians of all walks of life, prima­rily in the cities. The anthropologist Christa Salamandra noted the peculiar trajectory of certain visions of the past, such as "the old Damascene house," a typology of elite urban domestic architecture, from museum displays to reproduction and recontextualization as settings for restaurants, festivals, or nightclubs (16).

13. Joan Busquets, ed., Aleppo: Rehabilitation ofthe Old City: The Eighth Veronica Rudge Green Prize in Urban Design, Harvard Graduate School of Design, Cambridge, MA, 2005.

14. Robert Blecher, "When Television is Mandatory: Syrian Television Drama in the 1990s," in Nadine Meouchy ed., France, Syrie et Liban 1918-1946: Les ambiguites et les dynamiques de la "Iation mandataire (Actes des joumees d'etudes organisees par Ie CERMOC et I' IFEAD, Beyrouth, 27-29 mai 1999), Institut francais d'etudes arabes de Damas, Damas, 2002, p. 169-179; Sa1am Kawakibi, "Le role de la television dans la relecture de I'histoire," MaghreblMachrek 158, oc:t-dec 1997, p. 47-55; Christa Salamandra, A New Old Damascus: Authenticity and Distinction in Urban Syria. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 2004.

IS. Siham Turjuman,Ya mal ai-Sham, Matabi' Idarah al-Tawjih al-Ma'nawi, Damascus, 1969. For a discussion of the reception of this work, see Salamandra, New Old Damascus ... op. cit., p.30-131.

16. Salamandra, ibid., esp. Chapter 3.

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KNOWLEDGE, HERITAGE, REPRESENTATION ETATS ET SOCIETES DE L'ORIENT ARABE (1945-2005)

The cities of Syria comprise many examples of palatial courtyard (photos 2, 3). Dating from the sixteenth through the twentieth centuries, courtyard houses have a well defined spatial order(l7). They center on an in courtyard, onto which decorated facades open. As focal elements, an eleva!

iwan (a three-sided vaulted room used as a summer reception area: richly decorated hall or qa 'a as a winter reception room. interior decoration consists wooden dadoes covered by ings and calligraphy. The rooms designed for built-in furniture, of use defined by varying elevati, of the floor.

Photo 2. Aleppo, Bayt lunblat, ca. beg 17'" century. [wan seen from the courtyard. /995. Photo by authOl:

The interest in the Old Courtyard house resulted in the renovation of many remaining homes in the old city and their transformation into museums, restaurants and hotels. While this has taken place in various Syrian cities, in Aleppo, it has tended to localize in the northwestern suburb of Judayda, spurring that neighbor­hood's rapid gentrification.

17. There is a substantial literature on the architecture of the courtyard house. See for e Jean-Claude David, "La cour-jardin des maisons d'Alep a l'epoque ottomane," Res OrienJalsl 1991, p. 63-72; Dorothea Duda, /nnenarchitektur syruscher Stadthiiuser des /6.-/8. Jh. Sammlung Henri Pharaon in Beirut, Franz Steiner Verlag, Beirut, 1971; Maurice Cerasi, Fonnation of Ottoman House Types: A Comparative Study in Interaction with Neigh! Cultures," Muqarnas 15, 1998; Julia Gonnella, Ein christlich-orientalisches Wohnhaus des lahrhunderts aus Aleppo (Syrien): das "Aleppo-Zimmer" im Museum fir /slamische KI Staat/iche Museen zu Ber/in-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum fur Islamische Kunst, Mainz, I

214

estern interest in the old ~ity, accompanied by the c~ltural .authori~ of ~'tectural history and urbal1lsm, and the economic backIng of InternatIonal

arc \opment organizations, has had the effect of increasing the value of the old de~~c in the eyes of elite Aleppines, a process mirrored elsewhere in the fa I\oping world. The authority of instruments for making value judgments dev~ as the World Heritage list prompted the local inhabitants to take an interest ~uc nd value the old city. In Aleppo as elsewhere, this resulted in the gentrifi­In t~on of celtain areas of the old city, such as the northern suburb of Judayda. ~~ Ice the mid-1990's there has been an explosion of restaurants, bed-and­binakfasts and bars have opened there that draw on an "old Aleppo" visual v:abulary acco~p~nied by a weater degree of professionalism and higher tandards in hospltahty and service.

S pie Bayt Wakil a well-For exam , ' known house dated to the l6.'h-17 Ih

I ~ .­_.- _ . ';a;~ c:,.l.r;'-' 1____~,J.·ii.

centuries was transformed 111 the late 1990's from an elderly hostel into an upscale hotel and restaurant that caters to Western and Arab tourists in addition to well-to-do Syrians. While the hotel claims to offer an authentic architectural experience, it is of course a modern hotel with modern amenities. In Bayt Wakil as in other restored houses, the courtyard is actually covered with an elaborate system of plastic roofing, and heated in the winter. This has the effect of trans­fonning what used to be a semi­outdoor space into an indoor space (photos 4 and 4 his).

Photos 4 and 4 bis. Aleppo, Bayt Wakil, ca. beg. /7" century. Corner of the courtyard in /996. The courtyard is covered with roofing ill 2004. Photos by author.

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ETATS ET SOCI.ETES DE L'ORJENT ARABE (1945-2005)

As evidenced by Bayt Wakil and many other examples, gentrificati n?w become. co.mmercially viable. But it has not extended. to all parts of: City. The maJonty of the one hundred and fifty thousand mhabitants of tho city are large poor families, many of them recent arrivals from the COUD'

Poverty is visible especially in the eastern zones that do not have well­monuments and are not frequented by tourists or fashionable Aleppines.

The interest in the form of the co.u~t~ard hou.se h~s also translated into injection of a "courtyard house flair mto the mtenor decoration ofm apartment buildings far from the old city. In the smart new neighborhOI Halab Jadida, fashionable Aleppines often recreate the decorative sch~ the Old Courtyard house in apartments with modem floor plans and am.iii:; ties. The Martini house (1978, Omar Wasfi Martini, architect) is am building whose interior reproduces "traditional" decorative elements painted wooden panels, particularly for the reception areas, with addition of western-style furniture and amenities (photo 5)<'81• In manner, once commodified, the historic form is reproduced away from old city. The fabric of the old city of Aleppo is what lends these forms cultural capital, but it is their reproduction or transfer away from the that is being consumed.

Photo 5. Aleppo, Marlini house, 1978. Omar Wasfl Marlini. archilec/. Interior view. PhOlograph courtesy of Ihe Archives of Ihe Aga Khan Award for Archilecture, Geneva.

18. The Martini house is documented in the archives ofthe Aga Khan Award for Architecture, Some of the images are available tlu'ough www.archnel.org. The 1978 Martini house is distinct restored courtyard house of the same name near the neighborhood of Judayda, in the old city.

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KNOWLEDGE, HERJTAGE, REPRESENTATION

modified form from the past has thus become a way to construct a A ~o~dentity for modem Syria that draws upon heritage, conceptualized

ce~~IY in terms of the visual emblem of the Old Courtyard House. While pom onumental structures from the past such as mosques, castles and city great I~e duly revered, in popular imagination it is vemacular architecture, and gate.s alarly the old courtyard house that has emerged as a privileged signifier. partlCUars as a space of intimacy, of family life, rather than of civic community. ~pp~ guess that in a society where the free airing of political views has many

cathe retreat into memories of the childhood home is a preferred outlet.

costs,

The Martini house is emblematic of the use ofa form divorced from its social and historical original co.ntext, that .of the .Ottoma~ empi~e. In modem Syria, the taste for Ottoman-penod domestIc architecture IS also 10 a sense a selective remembrance of the 10c~1 visualyast. The.courtyard house is comm~dified and consumed without any m~erest m.the ~oclal.context that produced It. There is little sense of the hlstoncal settmg 10 which these houses were built: the provinces of the Ottoman em~ire; w~~re t~e fa~hions emanated from the imperial center, and where provmclal CIties Vied With each other to reproduce the latest fashions in home decoration. There is also no discussion of the type of familiar and household relationships that the wealthy courtyard house fostered: seclusion of high-status women, presence of servants or slaves, and polygamy. Since it has become an object of nostalgic longing, the courtyard house in contemporary imagination is not approached critically.

A few observations are warranted here. One, there is an economic dimen­sion to the craze for the courtyard house, namely tourism. For tourism purposes, the restored courtyard house easily lends itself to the creation of a theme-park of tradition, a "Disneyfication" of patrimony, as it were (19).

Second, a hidden genealogy of this vision in Syria has its roots in the colonial period. In their elaboration of a tourist industry for the emerging nation, French officials often cast Syria in the role of the bastion of traditional Arab­Islamic values, while they cast Lebanon as the center of Levantine cosmopoli­tanism. This is still observable today, to an extent, in the manner in which Syria and Lebanon market themselves for tourism. This genealogy cannot be taken as natural and needs to be rethought.

What is overlooked in the focus on the traditional courtyard house is the recent past, namely the modernizing architecture of the 19'h and early 20th

centuries. Aleppines created suburbs laid out according to modem principles

19. Rami Farouk Daher, ed., Tourism in Ihe Middle Easl: Conlinuity, Change, and T'!"IS!ormalion, Channel View Publications, Clevedon, UK, 2004; Michael Sorkin, "See You in DI~eyland," in Varialions on a Theme Park: The New American City and Ihe End ofPublic Space, ~lIed by M. Sorkin, Hill and Wang, New-York, 1992, p. 205-232 and 249; Nezar AlSayyad, ed.,

OllSumillg Tradition/Manufacluring Herilage, Routledge, London, 2001.

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ETATS ET SOCIETES DE L'ORlENT ARABE (1945-2005)

of urban planning, and the elite moved out of the old courtyard ho modern apartment-buildings (20). These buildings today are not the 0'

particular attention. They are not traditional enough.

What are the implications of this selective view of the city's histl exclusive focus on the old city produces a particular view of the visib of Syria. It reinforces the dual construction of traditional versus ' Eastern versus Western. In her critique of the discourse of modernity in tectural culture, Giilsiim Baydar Nalbantoglu observed that representati, modernity in the world beyond the West are generally conceptualized wi aid of binary constructions: civilization versus culture, international national, modernity as opposed to tradition. The first element in each of binaries suggests progress, scientific rationality, and westernization; second element stands for historical continuity and local identi' Discourses of heritage and preservation are bound up in these binaries as Heritage, tradition, patrimony, are concepts implicitly opposed to innov, modernity, cosmopolitanism. These binary constructions function as a hand for a discursive universe of accepted and shared assumptions, have come to see as natural. Event though critical theory in modern arc, ture has questioned these polar constructions, they still have a great deal currency. They are supported by professional practices and institutil including preservation and planning in historic urban cores.

The commodification of the courtyard house contributes to the imp sion whereby Aleppo is always seen as traditional, frozen in the Pi whereas the rich evidence for the local elaboration of modernity is con: . tently overlooked. The transformation of selected courtyard houses communal dwellings to gentrified spaces of entertainment and spectacle. contemporary Syria is thus a case study of the multiple processes participate in the creation of a consumable cultural commodity - in 0

words, the commercialization of patrimony.

20. Jean-Claude David and Fawaz Baker, "Elaboration de la nouveaute en architecture en Syrie,' Environmental Design, 1-2, 1994-95, p. 50-75; Jean-Claude David and Dominique Hubert, "Maisons et immeubles du debut du xx' siecle aAlep," Les cahiers de la recherche architectrl/'Qlil 10/ II, April 1982, p. 94-10 I.

21. GUlsum Baydar Nalbantoglu, "Between Civilization and Culture: Appropriation ofTraditi_ Fonns in Early Republican Turkey," Journal ofArchitectural Education, 47:2, 1993, p. 66-74..

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Modeles et strategies economiques

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